Dunson Make America Great Again Song

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• Front Psychol
• PMC8079816

Front Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Dandy Once again? National Nostalgia's Event on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

¹Psychology Department, North Carolina State Academy, Raleigh, NC, Usa

Athena Cairo

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United States

Jeffrey D. Green

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, U.s.a.

Calvin Hall

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, United states of america

Received 2022 Apr 25; Accustomed 2022 Mar v.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and report information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this written report and therefore non listed in this study.

Abstract

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the past that has been shown to increase feelings of meaning, social connectedness, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, at that place may be negative consequences of group-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a form of collective nostalgia), and its effects on group identification and political attitudes in the United states of america. In a sample of US voters (N = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though at that place was no prove of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia most strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Results from this study will help us better understand how the experience of national nostalgia can influence attitudes and motivate political behavior.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his entreatment to many American voters. In the 2022 presidential election, as many equally nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the starting time Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). I concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions every bit a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined every bit a bittersweet longing for the past. Prove of Trump'due south appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the showtime of the 2022 presidential entrada through his failed 2022 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient cornball reverie of the "Brand America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilisation (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of right-wing populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within nostalgic messaging is what explains the link betwixt nostalgia and right-fly populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the U.s., several studies provide strong evidence of a link between support for Trump and grouping prejudice. For case, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more than and then even than voter's feelings of economical threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the half-dozen months following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this finish, in this paper, we present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice besides as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defence, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Virtually people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the futurity (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a master artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more than likely to be evoked while experiencing negative touch on (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of cornball memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive impact, positive self-regard, and social connection (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of shut others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Equally a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more than salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative furnishings of low social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.e., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links betwixt personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more than subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to accept a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Grouping-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the grouping into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions tin differ markedly from their analogous private level counterparts, such as when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Grouping-based nostalgia—operationalized every bit nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can be experienced in a diverseness of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.g., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation mean solar day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (city). All the same, unlike individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed downwardly through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, commonage nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes as well equally an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced cornball retention (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study one). Commonage nostalgia also can increment group-oriented prosociality (e.thou., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Greenish et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic result increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in plow, increased intentions to volunteer. Other inquiry has found additional ingroup benefits to commonage nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political activeness (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, there are ii sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is besides a bias confronting foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven past anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage cornball memory (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). However, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of old Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to division and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (only not command ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is 1 type of collective nostalgia that is felt while cocky-categorizing as a denizen of a specific country, and is probable to be associated with detail intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Merely as personal nostalgia during times of alter and upheaval can facilitate coping (east.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's adept old days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or doubtfulness. However, nostalgic carousal at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amid Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the state (Smeekes et al., 2014) also every bit prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one'due south ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical condom, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstruse, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of ane'south ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to exist elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived every bit highly dissimilar, and thus oft inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, at that place often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more than threat beingness evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was becoming more various (relative to control weather)—that the pct of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may exist due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes stiff feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one'southward national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Like to how personal nostalgia may exist evoked when feeling disconnection at the private level, national nostalgia has been shown to exist evoked in response to existential concerns about one's group-based identity, and may have the beneficial result of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connectedness (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cantankerous-national survey beyond 27 countries constitute that existential concerns almost the future of one's country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or ability of outgroups is salient (e.m., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) by that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the hereafter, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this stardom has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political problems associated with national and ethnic identities, nosotros extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often apply national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst most grouping status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content assay of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe institute consequent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious past" while denigrating the country'southward present, besides as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the political party were the cause of this discontinuity betwixt past and nowadays, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to party opponents would render the nation to its former celebrity (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing commonage identity discontinuity, and and so highlighting a potential scapegoat to arraign for that discontinuity, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to exist responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the function of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2022 and 2022 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2022 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Peachy Over again," and emphasized claims that the United States had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in part, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'due south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the U.s.a.. Exit polls from the 2022 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, equally White voters were the only racial demographic to back up Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percentage points (CNN, 2016)^two. Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2022 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an of import role in voters' choice to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that support for Trump was near strongly predicted past negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric likewise as increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. We thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique office of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the U.s., of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (U.s. Demography Bureau, 2020).

The Current Written report

We examined the function of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility to a higher place and across political orientation. Nosotros explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2022 US presidential election. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey information taken around the fourth dimension of the 2022 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~ane year after the election, allowing us to encounter how our participants felt after President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Great Again" nonetheless resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the Usa; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes as well every bit study the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical landscape. In addition, nosotros included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in order to better examine the association between personal and national nostalgia likewise as to appraise whether each blazon of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory enquiry questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis ane. National nostalgia would exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No human relationship was expected to be establish between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Volition national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question 3. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power assay using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a pocket-size correlation of r = 0.09³ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2022 presidential election and identified as either White or Blackness (57.9% female, and 54.4% White). Participant historic period ranged from 18 to 79 (Grand = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified equally Democrats, 25.4% Contained, 23.iv% Republican, and 7.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2022 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2022 election (Pew Enquiry Center, 2018); however, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making up 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we experience that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2022 U.s.a. voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized every bit how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The calibration included seven items (east.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from i (Not at all) to vii (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros utilise a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Calibration (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the footing of one's national ingroup membership. The scale included 4 items rated from i (Very rarely) to v (Very often) scale. The NNS used in this report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reverberate American nationality [e.g., "How oft do you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President every bit related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connection, well-existence, self-regard, and overall positive touch on. Each particular was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump'south presidency. This calibration consisted of 16 items (due east.g., "Thinking nearly the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Not at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure out realistic threat perceptions (east.g., of social or economic damage) of Black individuals. The scale was examined merely among White participants. The mensurate includes 12 items (east.thousand., "African Americans hold too many positions of power and responsibility in this land") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to vii (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to appraise cerebral and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (due east.g., "It'south really a matter of some people non trying difficult enough; if Blacks would only attempt harder they could exist just as well off equally Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to vii (Very Bourgeois). Participants also chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2022 presidential ballot (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They and then responded to the question "How much do y'all experience similar nosotros need to 'Make America Neat Once more'?" on a 1 (Non at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their state of origin and whether English was their native language.

Indigenous Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to decide the centrality of participants' racial/indigenous backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such every bit "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each detail was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to v (Strongly agree) scale.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, historic period, and racial identity.

Process

Participants signed upwards through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all report measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a unmarried, 1 week period in the Autumn of 2022 to avoid history artifacts in the information. Additionally, all participants passed attending checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than two attention bank check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted not-inclusion of that participant's data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and aught-order correlations are displayed in Table 1. To test our hypotheses, nosotros conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS 5. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, nosotros also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood interpretation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the north for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, withal higher up the target based on the power analysis).

Table 1

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Variable	ane	two	3	4	5	half dozen	7	8	9	10	12	13	fourteen	One thousand/Percentage	SD
1	Ethnic/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													3.38	0.92
ii	Personal Nostalgia	0.fifteen**	0.92												4.85	1.19
three	National Nostalgia	0.xviii**	0.32***	0.ninety											2.85	1.xvi
4	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	i.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									ii.38	1.52
six	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
vii	MAGA	0.fourteen**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	2.72
viii	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						3.48	i.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.60***	0.63***	–					23.4%	–
10	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
11	Independent	−0.15*	−0.03	0.05	−0.fourteen*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.4%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.18**	0.eighteen**	0.19**	0.10	0.15*	0.05	−0.12	0.ten	–		57.ane% (F)	–
13	Age	0.01	0.10	0.08	−0.04	−0.20**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
14	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.iv% (EA)	–

Main Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would exist related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step 2 of the model to identify their unique human relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that college conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = x.08, p < 0.001. In footstep 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and across political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a meaning proportion of variance in attitudes to a higher place and beyond political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = nine.90, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model 1, Hypothesis 1 was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question one

To assess whether in that location was an clan between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a ii (Racial Identification) × 3 (Party Amalgamation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, i = Black/African-American (shortened to Due west/EA and B/AA going forward). Party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and 3 = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 Due west/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that party affiliation was the only significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, fractional η² = 0.xxx, with Republicans (M = three.94, SD = 1.22) more than in favor of the president than their Autonomous (Thou = ii.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (M = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. In that location was no main effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(one, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was at that place an interaction between political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Relationship between political party amalgamation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Mistake bars stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may exist an of import qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro five. 3.four (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a pregnant higher-order interaction effect betwixt political affiliation and race to predict indigenous identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the uncomplicated slope effects indicated that at that place was a stronger divergence in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (K = three.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more than of import to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [Thou = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; simple slope difference F _{(two, 228)} = four.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no meaning difference in racial identity salience was establish among Black/African-American participants; simple gradient difference F _{(ii, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the uncomplicated principal effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was as every bit important to them as Blackness participants; One thousand = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Blackness Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher indigenous identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).

Racial identity salience among Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Mistake bars stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, just but among White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a final test of Enquiry Question 1, a second path model (Path Model ii, Figure iv) was compared with Path Model 1 to once more examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model two showed much improved fit relative to Path Model i [χ2(10) = forty.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased indigenous identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients correspond standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Blackness racial prejudice measured past the Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS) as well every bit perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS, see Tabular array ane). To farther examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Process macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A meaning moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = 19.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Effigy 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-significant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −one SD below the hateful of SNS). However, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (come across Figure five). Interestingly, this consequence was found separately for both White [ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(i, 77)} = five.93, p = 0.02] and Blackness participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but in that location was no meaning 3-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.fourteen), then the results in Figure 5 are displayed for all participants.

Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display simple slopes at −two, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs abroad from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question three

Will the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Nosotros final examined whether the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Calibration, RTS). A moderated arbitration model was constructed using Hayes' Process macro (model eight) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ betwixt European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a meaning indirect outcome of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect outcome did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.xiii).

Arbitration of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice past outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model iii (Figure vii) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the information, χ(2) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia direct predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did non (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect outcome β = 0.xviii, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.x, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia as well showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, simply in a negative direction [indirect issue β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.fourteen, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect outcome of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was pregnant [β = 0.xviii; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more than positive feelings nigh President Trump, as well every bit increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was really associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the Us (eastward.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are singled-out experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump back up could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2022 presidential campaign slogan, it also may signal to the appeal of Trump's entrada—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better reply this question, our adjacent analyses investigated more than closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our first research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found fractional show for this idea, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no evidence of a relationship between race and support for the President. At commencement glance, this finding does not marshal with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed more often than not to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans likewise expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity every bit important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, equally it evidences farther support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Equally members of the bulk group, White individuals typically are less likely to recollect of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more than centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United states may indeed have been a disquisitional factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the electric current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a issue of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Withal, in that location is an issue of causality, every bit these correlational information could bespeak that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more than strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central part of their cocky-concept. For example, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, forth with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be and then bonny to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in guild to foment anxiety about the country of the country while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We institute that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may have been due to lower power. Additionally, nosotros found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes amidst those who reported more than prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with evidence that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging testify that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the skillful old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, also explains differences betwixt the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging past evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the confront of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "practiced old days" when 1'due south grouping was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, similar personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own style, past allowing individuals to experience connected to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Contempo work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively trivial enquiry on collective nostalgia, peculiarly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future work should examine these questions via multiple methods, peculiarly longitudinal and experimental designs, which tin can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced past (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cantankerous-sectional group of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are almost generalizable to American middle-anile populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the Us, and hereafter analysis of national nostalgia should continue to appraise dissimilar ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings enhance the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire past some to go dorsum in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Hereafter research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises every bit a defence force against perceived threats to one'southward ingroup. Relatedly, it is but recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), every bit the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow united states to ameliorate empathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should likewise continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting beliefs. The need for further research in this area has grown essentially in contempo years, especially in low-cal of events such every bit those that took place in Charlottesville in 2022 and at the Usa Capitol Edifice in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his entrada. Rather, the apply of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Hereafter research should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings advise that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions nigh 1's national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may as well operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas nearly one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America bang-up again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the US because minority groups take achieved meaning advances in civil rights in recent history, and a phone call to return to a former fourth dimension may imply a call for a return to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various ethnic and social groups in unlike countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent inside nations with different histories.

Future research might besides examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.chiliad., economical) vs. symbolic (e.thousand., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter back up for right-wing populist credo, equally concerns well-nigh immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the always-evolving demographic makeup of the Us (equally well as many other countries), further work in this expanse should include individuals who place with other racial groups across White or Blackness, and should likewise be expanded to wait at unlike identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social form, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Inquiry to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the outset study, to our knowledge, to examine the US political mural. Personal nostalgia—a contemplative longing for ane'due south personal past—does not take the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and merely moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, peculiarly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

At that place may exist some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a by that never was; in this example, an America that was not as white as some retrieve. Nevertheless, these national nostalgic feelings appear to be linked to of import social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this report can be found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Scientific discipline Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified information and written report information tin be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this written report and therefore non listed in this study.

Ethics Argument

The studies involving human being participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, Ac, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Ac oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the beginning draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the written report and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Involvement

The authors declare that the enquiry was conducted in the absence of whatever commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

^aneWe note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2022 election (eastward.g., the role of the Blackness Lives Matter movement); however, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2022 election in this paper.

²Though a majority of all not-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the leave polls showed that the greatest differential was amid Blackness voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to apply Black voters as a comparison grouping to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

^fourThe authors would similar to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published just prior to the time this study was developed. However, the decision was made prior to data collection to utilize this validated calibration as a more than straight and statistically sound mode to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are often used to model paths amongst composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), nosotros opted to utilise a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

⁶Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to get inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/

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